This book is included in the Self Reliance Communications section.
Dedication
To our Republic, whose kindly genius has ever
led in the ways of Justice, Peace and Liberty, this volume is gratefully
dedicated.
Preface
THE writer of this volume makes no pretensions to presenting
new thought or data on the subjects treated, nor does
he expect to do more than to present the fundamental principles
involved therein. The predetermined size of this volume,
which was to make it a manual of American principles, precludes
the possibility of any attempt to exhaust any subject
touched upon, even had the writer the inclination to do so ; but
it is hoped thereby to arouse a more earnest reflection on the
part of the reader, to the end that he may more faithfully serve
the interests of the great democracy to which he belongs.
There never was a time in our nation's history when the
loyal citizen was called upon to accord a more candid consideration
to the great and perplexing public problems confronting
him than the present. On every side great and overwhelming
questions of State obtrude themselves upon his attention, and
demand the sanest and most prompt solution. The nation needs
the willing service of every citizen, high and low, great and
small, of whatever national or racial descent, to assist it in
meeting the demands of the crisis now before it.
It is in the hope of aiding in some small measure in this
great work that this little volume has been written. The author,
therefore, appeals to the reader on behalf of a careful perusal
of the following pages, in order that, while eliminating any
error he may detect, he may use his best efforts to secure the
application of the true principles in the nation's daily life. Our
country needs a renewal of its baptism in the sacred principles
of our Constitution. It must reconsecrate itself to the precepts
of the Fathers. It is thus obligatory upon every worthy citizen
to perform the part of a true American. There is no place
today in our country for indifference or disloyalty.
Though some of the suggestions herein submitted may be
considered by some as Utopian and impracticable, the author
consoles himself with the reflection that every logical conception
of man will eventually find a practical expression in his daily
life, and yield its fruits in the times to come.
Contents
Introduction
The Foundations of Democracy
The Ideals of Democracy
The Responsibility of the Citizen
The Responsibility of the Government
The Essentiality of the Franchise
The Restriction of the Franchise
The Selection of Public Officers
Should the Public Officer Vote?
The Initiative, Referendum, and Recall
The Allegiance of the Citizen
The Coordination of Subordinate Governments
National Defense
Public Education
The Educational Value of the Fine Arts
Schools for the Mental Defectives
Polytechnic Schools
Religious Liberty
The Public Revenues
Homes for the Aged Poor
The Encouragement of Agriculture
The Prohibition of Unlawful Combines
The Regulation of Capital
The Regulation of Labor
The Protection of the Employe Against Dangerous Machinery
Government Should Fix the Hours of Labor
The Circulating Medium
The Prohibition of Vagrancy and Loitering
General Class Regulation
The Conservation of National Resources
Abolition of the Crop-Lien System
The Nationalization of Public Utilities
The Eleemosynary Institutions
Reformatories for the Errant Youth
Drainage of Marshes and Irrigation of Arid Lands
The Political Opportunity of American Womanhood
The Policy of International Fairness
The Freedom of Speech and Press
The Prohibition of Profiteering
Popular Ethics
Governmental Control of Distributing Agencies
The Relations and Responsibilities of the American Races
The Care of the Ex-Soldier
Penalization, Its True Purpose
A National Health Department
The Necessity of Regular Public Meetings.
The Prospective Immigrant
Americanization
An International Peace League
The Perils of Democracy
INTRODUCTION
IN offering this volume for public consideration, I have only
one purpose to accomplish, to invite the earnest reflection
of the American upon the priceless value of those great principles
of our system of government which constitute not only
the foundation but the very life of our Republic. These constitutional
principles are not ours alone, but are the roots of
all orderly government, and should be preserved as the only safe
substructures of human progress.
The true advocate of popular government will always endeavor
to defend these principles, as they are applied in our
government, against every inimical influence that may assail
them; but in doing so will practice that measure of charity
he deems due to human frailty. He will therefore attack the
corrupt system rather than the individual, except when the individual
allows himself to become the working exponent of the
vicious system. Individual conduct may be distorted through
the failure of individual judgment, hence, when individual
judgment collapses, a certain charity should be extended. But
when the system, composed as it is of many individual judgments,
fails to measure up to recognized ethical standards, it
will not merit the same condoning disposition. In the system
error is inexcusable, since it should be detected by individual
vigilance. For this reason, it is impossible for any system to
fall into error regarding its proper ethical course. And when
the system knowingly disregards such standard, it merits the
severest censure. It is only by determined assaults upon such
unethical practices that the fundamental principles of the Constitution
may be perpetuated, and popular liberty be preserved.
In every effort to protect these vital principles, by whomsoever
made, the people, who are most deeply concerned in the
results, should lend every aid and encouragement, rather than
turn with studied indifference from those who would defend
their inalienable rights. For who can withstand the indifference
of those he would defend? And who should be more
profoundly interested in all the processes of free government
than the people, the creators of that government? The justly
celebrated Justice Story, on an occasion when discussing the
principles of the Constitution, in answer to the query as to the
duration of our Republic, replied:
"It must perish, if there be not that vital spirit in the people, which alone can nourish, sustain, and direct all its movements. It is in vain that statesmen shall form plans of government, in which the beauty and harmony of a republic shall be embodied in visible order, shall be built up on solid substructions, and adorned by every useful ornament, if the inhabitants suffer the silent power of time to dilapidate its walls, or crumble its massy supporters into dust; if the assaults from without are never resisted, and the rottenness and mining within are never guarded against. Who can preserve the rights and liberties of the people, when they shall be abandoned by themselves? Who shall keep watch in the temple when the watchmen sleep at their posts? Who shall call upon the people to redeem their possessions, and revive the republic, when their own hands have deliberately and corruptly surrendered them to the oppressor, and have built the prisons or dug the graves of their own friends? America, free, happy, and enlightened as she is, must rest the preservation of her rights and liberties upon the virtue, independence, justice, and sagacity of her people. If either fails, the republic is gone. Its shadow may remain with all the pomp, and circumstance, and trickery of government, but its vital power will have departed. In America the demagogue may arise as well as elsewhere. He is the natural, though spurious, growth of republics, and, like the courtier, he may, by his blandishments, delude the ears and blind the eyes of the people to their own destruction. If ever the day shall arrive in which the best talents and best virtues be driven from office by intrigue or corruption, by the ostracism of the press, or the still more unrelenting persecution of party, legislation will cease to be national. It will be wise by accident, and bad by system."
So long as we retain the spirit of freemen, we shall not
surrender but defend these principles with every power at our
command, and strive with equal energy and by every just means
to apply them to the needs of our people. We may differ as
regards the best method of their application in the common weal,
but not as to their unvarying potency and sanctity. These
responsibilities, so masterfully set forth by Justice Story, we
may not evade without the loss of our cherished liberties, or
even of the Republic itself. To this cause, sacred in its very
nature, this volume is unreservedly devoted.
The time will probably come when we shall be confronted
with the suggestion to revise our national Constitution. Should
such a question ever arise, we should repudiate the proposition
as exceedingly perilous to our liberties. There can be no need
of such a procedure. A revision can only mean a change of
language or principle, or both. The language of this instrument
is perspicuous beyond cavil, while its principles have
stood the test of a century and a half.
So long as the stability of our fundamental law remains a
fixed and safe anchorage for state legislation, the state constitution
may be revised from time to time to meet the varying
needs of local government; but when we alter the principles
of our federal Constitution, thus destroying its solidarity, we
cut away the strong mooring of state law and set the ship of
state adrift in dangerous waters.
In any convention called for the purpose of revising our
fundamental or basic law, we shall certainly witness the domination
of selfish interests; and the principles of government
which have brought us to a conspicuous place among the world's
great nations will be distorted and corrupted to selfish ends.
We may amend the Constitution as rare occasions may demand,
but let us not countenance any confusing revision of this
great instrument. Such action would be fraught with the
gravest peril.
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