This book is included in the New World Order section.
[Nearly the whole of what is here published, was
delivered as an Address at the Annual Commencement
of Woodward College, Cincinnati, June 29th, 1843.]
Introduction TO THE HON. D. K. ESTE, JUDGE OF THE SUPERIOR COURT OF CINCUNNATI: Dear Sir, —In such a government as ours, public sentiment is the real sovereign. Its sway is unlimited and all-powerful. Our character and our well-being, as a people, alike depend upon it. It is therefore at all times important, that each one, in his sphere, contribute his utmost to render public sentiment what it ought to be. But there are particular junctures when this individual effort is specially called for. The present is such a crisis. Every thing about us constrains us to deep and serious thought. And if ever it was our duty, in a kindly and peaceful spirit, to speak out our thoughts frankly and firmly, it is now. Our country demands this. All her most precious interests are at stake. Never was a right public sentiment so important as at the present moment: and as every one, however humble his influence, can contribute something towards it, so let none supinely or timidly shrink back from this duty. He cannot escape the responsibility. His country, the other nations of the earth, - who have so deep interest in our great experiment of free institutions, the God of nations will all hold him to a strict account in this matter, for what he does, and for what he does not. The subjects brought forward in the following Address, are full of interest to every American, to every friend of civil and religious liberty. They involve not only the character, prosperity and happiness of our country, but the very stability of her institutions. A right appreciation of these subjects is essential, not merely to our national welfare, but to our national existence. I have therefore spoken, I trust, with becoming plainness and candor, as well as kindness. To be reserved here, would in me be inexcusable. My position imperatively calls for the daily examination and discussion of these subjects. When will we learn that it is always the best policy, (to say nothing of duty,) closely to scrutinize, candidly acknowledge, and faithfully correct existing evils? This is the only effectual way to counteract the efforts of the enemies of social order, and of many well-meaning, but mistaken and mischievous reformers. It may well be doubted whether such agitation could long be kept up without some occasion. Do not the advocates of all Utopian schemes, as Socialism, St. Simonism, Fourierism, etc., and those who attack the present state of society, derive their chief strength from pointing to undeniable existing evils? Remove these, and such visionaries, and agitators would have nothing to feed upon. They would die from pure inanition. But pride, and prejudice, and selfishness with its thousand influences, too often incline us under these circumstances, to cling the more closely even to what is wrong, whilst we endeavor in vain to resist the assaults of innovators. In vain, because if one onset be repelled, another, and another, will be made, so lone- as there are real ills to excite and sustain them. Need I say to what standard we must come, if we would rightly judge and safely reform? Whatever is inconsistent with a Bible Christianity must be given up. There is no other way to secure true peace, order, freedom, virtue, happiness. We cannot, as most other nations, cast the blame of existing evils upon our laws, institutions or rulers, for all these are just what we ourselves choose to make them. We willed them into being, and may abolish them at our pleasure. If such liberty is a most invaluable privilege, let it not be forgotten that it involves also a fearful responsibility. And not only is our whole nation accountable in this matter, but each individual must bear a portion of the blame. We then, of all people, ought to be not only intelligent, honest, self-searching, but frank, "desirous to know the truth, and resolute to obey it. And no one of us should be willing to let his individuality be swallowed up, as it were, and lost in the mass of a party, or the community. This would be a base surrender of his rights, even if by so doing he could escape his responsibility. Independence of thought and action is the precious birth-right of every American citizen; the talent which Providence has entrusted to his stewardship. Let me add, that if my conviction of the truth of the sentiments advanced in the following pages could have been strengthened, it certainly would have been by those expressions of entire concurrence with which you listened to them, previously to their public delivery, as well as on that occasion. After fifteen years of close intimacy between us, part of the time as pastor and parishioner, and always as friends, I cannot be insensible to the value of such approbation ; proceeding, as I well know it does, from a rare soundness of judgment and unbending integrity. If I can, by this humble effort, excite increased attention to the truth, that — the Christianity of the Bible is the salvation of our Country,— and impress this great truth more deeply on the hearts of any, I shall feel myself abundantly rewarded. That you may be long spared to fulfill the duties of your important station, and at last receive the righteous approval of the Sovereign Judge. of us all, is the sincere prayer of your friend and servant, B. P. AYDELOTT.
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