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The American Constitution
Its Origins and Development
By A.H. Kelly & W.A. Harbinson 
969 pages 1948

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This book is included in the US Government: Educational, Informational & Motivational section.

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Preface
IN THIS BOOK we have attempted to present the reader with a general picture of the growth and development of the American constitutional system. It is an introductory work, in the sense that it presupposes no extensive technical knowledge of constitutional law or political theory on the part of prospective readers. The intellectual problems encountered in constitutional history are often complex, and the book makes no attempt at false oversimplification. At the same time there has been every effort at proper emphasis and clarity of presentation, so that the average undergraduate student or general reader should be able to follow the narrative successfully.

The work emphasizes strongly those aspects of constitutional growth which relate closely to the fundamental structure of the American government and social order. For example, it deals at length with the emergence of limited government or "constitutionalism," with the growth of federalism and its concomitant problems of sovereignty and state-federal relations, with the rise of judicial review, and with the constitutional aspects of civil liberties. Of necessity, it ignores or discusses briefly many aspects of constitutional law and history which have not seemed essential or important to an understanding of the fundamental nature of American government and society.

The book devotes about equal attention to the periods before and after 1860. The "traditional" epoch of American constitutional history (1760-1876) is obviously of immense importance, but it is equally true that a whole new era of constitutional development has occurred since the close of Reconstruction, and it no longer appears to be desirable or intelligent to write American constitutional history as though nothing of consequence had occurred since 1885. Accordingly, the book treats in considerable detail the emergence of modern due process of law, the constitutional aspects of modern commerce power and taxation, the development of the modern executive, and the great constitutional crisis of the New Deal.

Several persons have been of assistance in the preparation of the work. Professor Benjamin F. Wright of Harvard University read the entire manuscript with care and attention, and his scholarly criticisms and suggestions have been of great value. In addition, he generously allowed us to use certain statistics on judicial review from his Growth of American Constitutional Law. Dr. Charles Burton Marshall of Arlington, Virginia, also read the manuscript in its early stages, and advanced numerous useful suggestions as to both content and style. Mr. Addison Burnham of W. W. Norton & Company has lent constant assistance and co-operation at every stage of the book's preparation. Much of the typing was done by our wives, while Mrs. Sylvia Goodman typed most of the final manuscript. Our thanks are due to all these people for their encouragement and assistance. The book is a better one for their attention; its shortcomings are ours.
    Alfred H. Kelly
    Winifred A. Harbison


CONTENTS
Chapter I. English & Colonial Origins
The Joint-Stock Company - Virginia & Massachusetts Bay - Government by Compact: Plymouth, Providence, Connecticut and New Haven - The Proprietary Colonies

Chapter II.
A Century of Colonial Government
The Colonial Legislature - The Colonial Governor - Colonial Judicial and Legal Institutions - Development of Colonial Political Theory - The Influence of Sir Edward Coke - The Colonies in the Empire - Early Attempts at Imperial Reorganization - Need for Imperial Reorganization after 1750

Chapter III.
The American Revolution
Grenville's Reforms: The Sugar and Stamp Acts - Repeal of the Stamp Act; The Declaratory Act - The Townshend Acts; Colonial Opposition - The Period of Quiescence; Emergence of the Dominion Theory of Empire - The Crisis of 1774 and the Rise of Revolutionary Government - The First Continental Congress - The Coming of Independence

Chapter IV.
The First State Constitutions and the Articles of Confederation
The First Stare Constitutions - The Articles of Confederation - Failure of the Confederation Government - The Movement for Constitutional Reform

Chapter V.
The Constitutional Convention
The Convention's Personnel and Organization - The Virginia Plan - The Problem of the Legislature - The New Jersey Plan - Significance of the Great Compromise - The Executive Office - The Federal Problem and the Judiciary - The Locus of Sovereignty - The Constitution Completed

Chapter VI.
Ratification of the Constitution
Economic and Class Division - The Debate over Ratification - Triumph of the Federalists - Reasons for Ratification - The Veneration of the Constitution - The Constitution as a Product of Eighteenth-Century Political Ideas

Chapter VII.
Establishing the New Government
Launching the New Government - Organization of the Executive Department - The Judiciary Act of 1789 - The Bill of Rights - The Hamiltonian Program - The Test of Federal Coercive Power - Executive Relations with Congress - Development of the Cabinet - Foreign Policy and Executive Prerogative - Federalist Judicial Interpretation - The Doctrine of Vested Rights - The Alien and Sedition Acts - The Federalist Fall from Power

Chapter VIII.
The Rise of Jeffersonianism
The Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy - The Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions - Constitutional Recognition of Political Parties: The Twelfth Amendment - The Jeffersonian Constitutional Program - The Annexation of Louisiana

Chapter IX.
The Triumph of Jeffersonian Republicanism
Repeal of the Judiciary Act of 1801 - Marbury v. Madison - Impeachment of Federal Judges - The Burr Trial and the Definition of Treason - The Embargo and Northern Championship of States Rights - The War of 1812

Chapter X.
Nationalism versus Sectionalism
Postwar Nationalism; The National Bank - The Internal Improvements Issue - The Missouri Controversy - The Constitutional Debate - Negro Citizenship and the Second Missouri Compromise

Chapter XI.
John Marshall and Judicial Nationalism
Expansion of the Contract Clause - The Contract Clause and Bankruptcy Laws - The Controversy over Appellate Jurisdiction - Implied Powers and National Supremacy - The Power to Regulate Commerce - Failure and Success of Marshall's Legal Nationalism

Chapter XII.
The Nullification Controversy
Georgia's Defiance of the United States on the Indian Question - From Nationalism to Nullification in South Carolina - Calhoun's Theories on Sovereignty and the Union - The Attempt at Nullification

Chapter XIII.
Democracy and Jacksonianism
Broadening the Base of State Government - The Growth of Direct Popular Control in State Government - Democracy and the Federal Constitutional System - The Role of Political Parties in the Development of Democracy - Political Parties and Congressional Powers - The Bank and the Triumph of Strict Construction - Andrew Jackson and the New Presidency - The Jacksonian Judiciary and Chief Justice Taney - The Contract Clause and Corporate Power - The Commerce Power and States' Rights

Chapter XIV.
The Slavery Controversy and Sectional Conflict
The Renewal of Congressional Controversy - Slavery and Interstate Comity - The Proslavery Leaders Adopt State Sovereignty - The Wilmot Proviso and Revival of the Slavery-Extension Controversy - Constitutional Theories on Slavery in the Territories Crisis and Compromise

Chapter XV.
Crisis and Secession 1851-1861
The Fugitive Slave Law - Repeal of the Missouri Compromise: The Kansas-Nebraska Bill - The Dred Scott Case - The Lincoln-Douglas Debates - The Election of 1860 - Secession - Attempts at Compromise - Formation of the Confederacy - Lincoln's Policy toward Secession - Lincoln's Responsibility for Secession and War

Chapter XVI.
The Civil War
The Legal Nature of the War - Punishment of Treason - Confiscation - Federal Centralization of Authority - Compulsory Military Service - Lincoln's Presidential Domination - Congressional and Judicial Reactions - Presidential Ascendancy - Continued Emancipation - The Thirteenth Amendment - Impairment of Civil Rights - The Habeas Corpus Act and Immunity of Federal Officers - Martial Law and the Milligan Case - Constitutional Significance of the Civil War

Chapter XVII.
Reconstruction: The Presidential Phase
Presidential Reconstruction: The First Phase - The Rise of the Radicals - Evolution of the Fourteenth Amendment - Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction

Chapter XVIII.
Radical Congressional Reconstruction
The Military Reconstruction Acts of 1867 - Radical Reconstruction within the South - The Impeachment of Johnson - Reconstruction and the Court - The Court-Packing Charge - The Disintegration of Radical Reconstruction - The Disputed Election of 1876 - Aftermath of Reconstruction

Chapter XIX.
The Revolution in Due Process of Law
Revival of the Doctrine of Vested Rights - The Fourteenth Amendment and the Slaughterhouse Cases - Munn v. Illinois: The Granger Cases - The Growth of Substantive Due Process, 1877-1898 - Due Process and Freedom of Contract - Due Process and the Fifth Amendment

Chapter XX.
The New Due Process and Judicial Review - 1890 1920
The Content of Due Process - Due Process and the Regulation of Hours of Labor - Due Process and Other Aspects of Social Legislation - Due Process and Public Utility Rates - Due Process and Taxation - The Rule of Reason and Judicial Review

Chapter XXI.
The First Era of National Economic Regulation
The Railroads and the Interstate Commerce Commission - The Commission and the Courts 1887-1900 - Passage of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act - The Sugar Trust Case: "Manufacturing Is Not Commerce" - In re Debs: The Pullman Strike - The First Income Tax Case - The Second Income Tax Case - The Failure of the First Movement for Nationalism

Chapter XXII.
The Rise of Liberal Nationalism
The Doctrine of Liberal Nationalism - Theodore Roosevelt's Stewardship Theory - The Rise of a Federal Police Power: The Lottery and Oleo Cases - Expansion of the Federal Police Power - Federal Police Power in the Courts - The Police Power and Railway Labor - Revival of Federal Trust Prosecutions: The Northern Securities Case - The Rule of Reason - The Revival of the Interstate Commerce Commission - The Commission in the Courts - The Interstate Commerce Commission and National Ascendancy

Chapter XXIII.
The Progressive Revolt
The Income Tax Amendment - The Revolt against the Speaker - The Seventeenth Amendment - The Progressive Attack on the Judiciary - The Judicial Recall - The Judiciary Act of 1914 - Constitutional Reform in the States

Chapter XXIV.
Woodrow Wilson and the New Freedom
Wilson's Conception of the President as a Prime Minister - The Growth of Executive Ordinance Power - The New Boards and Commissions - Wilson's Reform Program: The New Freedom - The Adamson Eight-Hour Law - Termination of Wilson's Reform Program

Chapter XXV.
The Constitution and World War I
Federal Power in Wartime - Wilson's War Dictatorship - The War and the Bill of Rights - The Eighteenth Amendment - The Nineteenth Amendment - The Twilight of Liberal Nationalism - The End of an Era

Chapter XXVI.
Reaction and Laissez Faire
The Revival of Dual Federalism: The Second Child Labor Case - Maintenance of the Tradition of National Supremacy - The Sherman and Clayton Acts in Labor Disputes - The Bureaucratic Monster - Federal Grants-in-Aid - The Apogee of Due Process of Law - Due Process and State Police Legislation - Due Process and Civil Rights in the Twenties - Due Process and the Concept of Public Interest - The Executive in the Twenties - Federal Administrative Commissions in the Twenties - The Constitution and the New Prosperity

Chapter XXVII.
The New Deal
The First Days of the New Deal - The New Deal before the Court - The "Hot Oil" Cases - The Gold Cases - Schechter v. United States: The "Sick Chicken" Case - United States v. Butler: The Fall of the A.A.A. - Carter v. Carter Coal Company - The Rising Conservative Protest

Chapter XXVIII.
The Constitutional Revolution in Federalism 1937-1947
The Election of 1936 - Roosevelt's Court Plan - The Court Accepts Liberal Nationalism - The New Constitutional Law: Federal Regulation of Labor - Federal Regulation of Agriculture - The Commerce Power and Coal - The Commerce Power and Federal Regulation of Public Utilities - The Insurance Business and Interstate Commerce - The Commerce Power and Navigable Streams - The Spending Power and Public Works - State Tax Legislation and the Federal Commerce Power - Stare Police Power and the Federal Commerce Power - The Decline of Substantive Due Process of Law - Long-Range Implications of the New Era in Federalism

Chapter XXIX.
A New Era in Civil Liberties
Freedom of Speech and the Right to Picket - The Fourteenth Amendment, Peaceable Assemblage, and Pamphlet Peddling - Separation of Church and State: Tax Support for Church Schools - Political Minorities - Revival of the Clear and Present Danger Doctrine - Free Speech and Editorial Comment v. Contempt of Court - The Flag-Salute Cases - Bills of Attainder and the Congressional Appropriations Power - The Japanese Minority and World War II - Military Government in Hawaii. Duncan v. Kahaiianwkn - Military Trial of Enemy War Criminals - The Future of Constitutional Democracy
Appendix 1
Appendix 2
Selected Readings
Table of Cases
Index


Introduction
WILLIAM GLADSTONE, the great British statesman and prime minister, once described the American Constitution as "the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man." Americans cannot but be pleased by this tribute, and a historian may well accept it as having a large measure of truth. The Philadelphia Convention of 1787 was one of the great creative assemblages of the modern world. It did not, of course, depend upon pure inspiration, for it had several centuries of English and colonial constitutional growth to draw upon, and many of the main principles of American government were already fairly well established. Yet the creative role of the convention is undeniable. It fashioned a frame of government embodying the most adequate mechanism for a federal state ever achieved by man, and it produced at the same time a brilliant compromise between the requirements of adequate governmental authority and effective controls upon the exercise of political power.

Certainly the American Constitution has withstood the most decisive of all tests that of time. The Charter drafted at Philadelphia in 1787 is now the oldest written constitution in the world. It has survived the trials of practical politics, the holocaust of civil war, and the immense and relentless tide of social and economic change induced by the industrial revolution. Drafted for an eighteenth century agrarian republic of less than four million people, the Constitution now functions adequately as the fundamental law of a great urban industrial democracy of some one hundred and forty million souls.

The American Constitution would not have survived 160 years had it not been an extraordinarily flexible instrument of government. Flexibility is commonly achieved most readily in those governments which function without the limitations of a supreme written charter. But it has been the peculiar genius of the American Constitution that while its provisions are sufficiently specific and detailed to provide a necessary element of stability to government, it has nonetheless proved to be broad and general enough in its institutional arrangements and grants of power to allow for steady growth of the ''living constitution" to meet the altered requirements of a changing social order.

This implies that the American Constitution is something more than a mere written document. And indeed, in all but the narrowest sense this is true. A constitution might well be defined as the fundamental supreme law by which the state is organized and governed. But a written document, however important, can never contain more than a very small proportion of the whole body of custom, tradition, governmental practice, and statutory and judicial interpretation that functions at any one time as the fundamental law. Indeed, in the past most states managed to get along well enough without a formal written charter, although since 1787 nation after nation has adopted the American idea of committing at least the bare outlines of its constitutional system to paper. Written charters still occupy a position of peculiar sanctity and supremacy in our constitutional system, but the United States is no exception to the general rule that most of a "living constitution" at any one time is to be found in contemporary governmental practice.

This fact sets the limits of inquiry and analysis for the study of American constitutional history. Constitutional history necessarily concerns itself with tracing the origin and development of all the principal institutions, practices, customs, traditions, and fundamental legal ideas that go to make up the whole body of the "living constitution" today.

What are the forces in American history upon which the student of constitutional history must turn his particular attention? In one sense, of course, constitutional history is inextricably bound up with the entire fabric of American social and economic development. It is therefore frequently necessary to examine various important phases of the nation's economic life or a political conflict which may have altered the nation's entire destiny and the constitutional system along with it.

In a more immediate sense, actual governmental practice has probably been the greatest single force in shaping the evolution of the American constitutional system. The first settlers along the Atlantic seaboard brought with them a certain English political heritage, but they began at once to evolve the unique institutions and ideas of American constitutional government. Before the close of the colonial era, governmental practice had produced the bicameral system, a mass of legislative practices relating to procedure and prerogative, the theory of the separation of powers, and the idea of a supreme written constitution.

Since 1787 day-to-day governmental practice has been of no less importance. The first Congress, for example, created the principal executive departments of government, and turned the barren language of Article I, Section 8, of the Constitution into the actual assertion of national authority through the creation of a national bank, an army and navy, and a nationalistic judicial system. President Washington found it necessary to make several important decisions about the nature of the executive office, decisions which have had a permanent influence upon the scope and character of presidential authority. The presidential cabinet made its appearance in his administration, and executive ascendancy in the control of foreign policy also began at this time. Needless to say, constitutional growth through actual governmental practice is still going on. Several of the major federal statutes adopted by Congress in the "New Deal" era, for example, have apparently worked a more or less permanent alteration in the scope of national power.

In the seven decades between 1790 and the Civil War, congressional debate was a major source of constitutional doctrine. Supreme Court dictum, although already important, was not then universally accepted as the final word upon constitutional questions. Instead, prevailing ideas about the constitutional system were in the main derived from congressional politics. Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Daniel Webster, Robert Y. Hayne, Thomas H. Benton, and the other great sectional leaders of the day frequently engaged one another ill great debates upon the nature of the Union and the powers of the states and of the national government. After Webster's brilliant oration, "Reply to Hayne," delivered in January 1830, during the course of an epoch-making Senate debate on the nature of the Union, most Northerners regarded Webster's forensic effort as the most authoritative statement upon the sovereign character of the national government. Southerners, on the other hand, usually relied upon the constitutional arguments of Calhoun, Hayne, or Robert Barnwell Rhett. Even today, congressional debate upon constitutional matters is frequently significant, although it is rarely decisive in deciding major constitutional issues, most of which are referred to the courts.

In the last eighty years the Constitution has become more and more, as Charles Evans Hughes put it in 1926, "what the Supreme Court says it is." The Court has become the final arbiter of the American constitutional system. Its opinions on the nature and scope of federal and state power, on the functions of the various departments of government, and on the meaning of the written language of the Constitution have built up a great body of living and growing constitutional law. Supreme Court opinions are almost universally accepted as the final word on constitutional questions, so that in a practical, everyday sense it is this body of constitutional law rather than the document of 1787 which comprises the "living constitution" today.

In spite of judicial supremacy, however, it is public opinion and not the Court that has the last word on constitutional matters. Although the justices hold office during good behavior and so are protected against popular political resentment of a momentary or sporadic nature, they cannot maintain a constitutional doctrine against long-range, deep-seated majority popular conviction. Judges are mortal and perforce must eventually die or resign. A constitutional philosophy dominant for any great length of time in the nation at large will eventually find expression through Congress and the President. This in turn means the nomination and confirmation of judges who accept the verdict of the election returns.

The greatest constitutional issue in all American history, however, was not settled by the Court or in the halls of Congress but on the battlefield. The whole nature and destiny of the American Union was at stake in the Civil War. Lee's surrender to Grant at Appomattox Court House settled once and for all that the United States was a sovereign nation and not a mere loose confederation of sovereign states. Until 1865 that question had been undecided; since that time no one has questioned either national sovereignty or the permanent nature of the Union.

American constitutional history falls into three fairly well-defined periods. The first, from 1607 to 1789, covers the whole colonial era, the break with Britain, and the achievement of national unity under the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution. Most of the principal institutions and ideas of the American constitutional system made their appearance in this period of almost two centuries, among them the idea of a supreme written constitution, the doctrine of limited government, the concept of a federal state, the separation of powers, bicameralism, and the main principles of American legislative practice. The era closed with the ratification of the Constitution, a document embodying the political experience of the preceding two centuries.

The second period, from 1789 to 1865, began with the establishment of the national government under the Constitution and ended with the collapse and failure of the Confederacy's attempt to break up the Union. The great constitutional issue of this entire period was that of the ultimate nature of the Union. Had the Constitution created a supreme sovereign central government or had it merely brought into being a loose confederation or league of sovereign states^ Closely correlated with this issue was the question of who had the final power to interpret the Constitution. Secession finally transferred both questions from the political arena to the battlefield, where the "locus of sovereignty" was settled decisively in favor of the national government.

The third great period in American constitutional history began in 1865, and has extended to our own time. The era has been one of large-scale industrialization and urbanization of American life, and most of its constitutional problems have arisen from successive attempts to adjust the constitutional system to the requirements of modern urban industrial society. The powers delegated to the national government in 1789 contemplated but little assertion of federal authority beyond the general areas of defense, finance, foreign policy, and commerce. No one in the Convention had any knowledge of modern means of communication, railroads, holding companies, labor unions, hydroelectric power, mass production, or mechanized agriculture. Modern government has to deal with social and economic problems arising from all these developments and many more. The result is a body of modern constitutional law which the delegates to Philadelphia would no doubt have some difficulty in recognizing as their handiwork.

One grand theme runs through all three centuries of American constitutional history. It is the idea of limited government, or what Professor C. H. Mcllwain has called "constitutionalism." The doctrine of limited government holds that government should proceed within the authority of established institutions and laws, that governmental authority should be limited and defined by law, and that governmental officials should be responsible to law. A government of this kind is often, somewhat loosely, described as one of laws and not of men. Without doubt the evolution of limited government constitutes one of the most significant chapters in the history of human freedom. In the twentieth century, when free political institutions are once again under powerful attack in the Western world, the central thesis of American constitutionalism is that free men can solve the problems of modern society under processes of law and without resort to tyranny.

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